蒋彦永医生就六四的上书
浸著血泪的上书——蒋彦永医生上本届"人大""政协"会议书 Dr. Jiang Yanyong's letter calling for June 4 reappraisal
February 24, 2004
Chairman and Vice Chairmen of the National People's Congress [NPC] Standing Committee
Chairman and Vice Chairmen of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference
[CPPCC]
Members of the CPC Central Committee Political Bureau
Premier and vice premiers of the State Council:

http://asnic.utexas.edu/~bennett/__322/Jiang-Yanyong.pdf

In 1989, students in Beijing, in view of the corrupt government at that time, voiced their just
demand for fighting corruption and bureaucratic racketeering and for promoting clean and
honest government. The students' patriotic acts had the support of the overwhelming majority
of people in Beijing and the country. However, a small number of leaders who supported
corruption resorted to means unprecedented in the world and in China. They acted in a frenzied
fashion, using tanks, machineguns, and other weapons to suppress the totally unarmed students
and citizens, killing hundreds of innocent students in Beijing, and injuring and crippling
thousands others. Then, the authorities mobilized all types of propaganda machinery to
fabricate lies and used highhanded measures to silence the people across the country. Now 15
years have gone by and the authorities are expecting the people to forget the incident gradually.
In the past they called this Tiananmen incident a "counterrevolutionary rebellion," and then
they called it the "1989 political storm." Giving the incident a different name specifically
indicates the perpetrators' guilty conscience. If it was a storm, why did they have to mobilize
hundreds of thousands of troops to suppress it Why should they use machine guns and tanks to
kill innocent ordinary people Thus, I propose that we must correctly characterize the students'
patriotic movement on 4 June 1989.
I am a surgeon at the PLA Number 301 Hospital. When the June 4th Incident took place in
1989, I was the director of the hospital's department of routine surgery. On the evening of 3
June, I heard repeated radio broadcasts urging people not to go to the streets. At about 2200
when I was in my dormitory, I heard continuous gunshots from the north. Several minutes later,
my pager beeped. It was the emergency room's call. So I rushed there. I could not believe my
eyes--lying on the floor and the examination tables were seven young people with blood all
over their faces and bodies. Two of them were later confirmed dead after an EKG test. My
brain buzzed and I almost passed out. I have been a surgeon for more than 30 years. When I
was a member of the medical team of the PLA Railway Corps that built the Chengdu-Kunming
Railway, I also saved many wounded soldiers, but they were injured by inevitable accidents
during the construction process. However, lying before me this time were our own people,
killed by children of the Chinese people, with weapons given to them by the people, in Beijing,
the magnificent capital of China. But I could not afford the time to think at that time. After
another salvo of gunshots, more wounded young people--I didn't know the exact number--were
brought to the emergency room by people in the vicinity with pull carts and pedicabs. While I
examined the injured, I also requested my staff to notify other surgeons and nurses to come to
the emergency room. All 18 surgical rooms in our hospital were used for emergency treatment
for the injured. My job in the emergency room was to determine the nature of the injuries and
treat the injured. During the two-hour period from 2200 to midnight, our hospital's emergency
Source: http://www.89-64.org
room accepted 89 patients with bullet wounds. Seven of them later died despite emergency
treatment. In the 18 surgical rooms, doctors in three groups spent most of the night performing
surgical operations to save all those who could be saved.
I can never forget the one who died. He was a young man in his twenties, whose parents were
cadres retired from the Seventh Machine-Building Ministry located across the street. They had
four or five children. When they heard the radio broadcasts that asked people not to go to the
streets, they forbade their children from leaving home, and they sat down to play mahjong.
When it was about 2200, the elderly couple became sleepy and was about to go to bed. But this
young man (he was the youngest in the family, who just received his wedding certificate) and
his "fiancéé" went to the streets when they heard the gunshots outside. When they ran to the
Five Pines Crossroad, a salvo of gunshots sprayed on them. The girl turned and ran. She yelled
at her boyfriend to return immediately. A little while later when she found her boyfriend did
not follow her, she went back. Soon she found her boyfriend lying on the roadside in a pool of
blood. She called his name. There was no response. She pulled him, but he would not move.
The people nearby immediately came forward to help. Several of them held him up and brought
him to our emergency room. A nurse checked his blood pressure. There was none. When she
performed an EKG test on him, the line on the screen was flat. When I examined him, I found a
bullet hole in his left arm, but I could not find the hole from which the bullet exited. His
girlfriend begged us to save him. But we could not, because, as the flat EKG line showed, his
heart had stopped. We assessed that the bullet had entered his heart. The girl cried as if she had
gone crazy, but she immediately went home and brought her boyfriend's mother to the
emergency room. After the mother came, she searched all over her son, but all she could find
was one bullet hole. Then she kneeled before me. She held my leg and begged me to save her
son. With tears all over my face, I was speechless. Then I squatted beside this totally shattered
mother and told her that her son's heart was smashed and he could not be saved. The mother,
after calming down for a little while, began to break into a torrent of abuse, saying: "I joined
the military when I was very young. Then I joined the party and followed the CPC in fighting
Japan and Chiang Kai-shek. Now the PLA killed my dearest child, I am going to settle the
score with them." Later her son's body was placed on the floor in our hospital's morgue along
with other bodies. Some PLA soldiers were there to watch them. The deceased were vilified as
"ruffians" and their bodies were not supposed to be picked up [by their families]. The next day,
the young man's family member came to pick up the young man's body, but they were not
allowed to do so. However, they were relatives of a high-ranking general and so they were
allowed to take away the body soon afterward.
Another deceased person was a physically robust motorcyclist. After practicing in Fengtai that
afternoon, he came to the Five Pines Crossroad in the evening. He was injured by a bullet
before he could dismount from the bike. Several people put him on a pull cart and brought him
to our emergency room. When I examined him, his blood pressure was still normal, but there
was a big bullet hole on the left side of his pubis and blood was gushing out from the hole. We
could not stop the bleeding by applying a tourniquet to that part of the body. Because of the
loss of a great quantity of blood, his blood pressure soon plummeted. Then he went into shock
and began to have difficulty breathing. Then, with his mouth wide open gasping for air, he soon
stopped breathing and died before my eyes. As a surgeon, I can never forget that scene where a
patient died before my eyes owing to the fact that we could not save his life under conditions at
that time.
At about midnight, a military officer with the rank of major (the only serviceman we saved that
night) was brought to our emergency room. A bullet pierced through his upper left arm. The X-
ray picture showed his humerus was crushed and there were many tiny metal fragments (I
sensed that the bullet was a lead-made fragmentation bullet) in the surrounding soft tissue. The
military officer told us that he came to Beijing to visit his relatives. At night when he was at a
street by the Military Museum (the place where he worked), he was injured by the passing
troops that fired a salvo of bullets. The elderly man on his right and the small boy on his left
were both killed instantly by bullets. He was fortunate because only one of his arms was
injured. The man who brought him to the emergency room for treatment was a retired
serviceman who had fought in the Vietnam War. He said this to the many wounded persons and
medical persons in the emergency room: The PLA's support for the left during the Cultural
Revolution significantly tarnished the PLA's image on the minds of the people. The troops' use
of machineguns and tanks to kill fellow countrymen is something that even Heaven would not
tolerate. He said it would not be possible for the military to rebuild its image among the
people.After midnight, the troops had passed through our hospital and no more wounded
people were brought to our hospital. Then I proceeded to the surgery room to check the
situation there. I saw one man who had his liver smashed and the smashed liver still had tiny
fragments of metal. We took pictures and videotaped the scenes like that. In other cases, our
doctors also found large amounts of tiny bullet fragments in the wounded persons' intestines. It
was clear that the injuries were not caused by ordinary bullets, but by the so-called
fragmentation bullets, the kind of bullets banned by international convention.Martial law in
Beijing began on 19 May. Because the troops sent to Beijing [to impose the martial law] were
stopped by the people along the way, they could not go downtown. So they were stationed at
our hospital, the Armored Corps, the Telecommunications Corps and other military units
located along the Fuxing Avenue. From our medical staff's conversations with the troops
stationed in our hospital, we gradually learned the truth of the student movement and so our
medical personnel clearly stated that they would never take part in suppressing the students. In
those days, at about 0600 early in the morning each day, a helicopter from the Xijiao Airport
would take off and fly slowly eastward along Fuxing Avenue to contact the responsible persons
of the troops stationed in various units (the person in charge in our hospital was a regiment
commander) to make sure the troops were ready for assignments. At this time the troops would
get everything ready and wait for the arrival of the helicopter and the regiment commander
would contact the helicopter via radio, saying that his unit was prepared. Soon after the
helicopter left, the officers and men of the unit would go here and there to chat with the
comrades in our hospital. Specifically because these units could no longer be assigned to
suppress the students, they were withdrawn in late May and early June. I heard that the troops
which later took part in suppressing the students were hurriedly deployed from Shandong.
Many of the soldiers in those units had fought in Vietnam and had opened fire and killed
people during their confrontation with the enemy. When they were shipped to Beijing, they had
no newspapers to read and no radio to hear on the trains. They were totally in the dark
regarding the situation. Soon after they came to Beijing, they were told that their mission was
to suppress the counterrevolutionary rebellion in Beijing. Under that circumstance, the ignorant
soldiers did what they were told, causing the tragic June 4th Incident.
On the evening of 3 June, each and every medical worker in our hospital who took part in
saving lives could not imagine that such a tragedy that no normal person could understand
could have occurred. At that time I even thought that it could have been an incident caused by a
certain military leader who had gone reckless. At that time I also talked to the president of our
hospital, surnamed Liao, asking him whether we could call the higher authorities to
immediately put a stop to the situation that was happening before our eyes. Like me, President
Liao, with tears in his eyes, did not know what to do. On the morning of 4 June, a tank drove
up to our hospital's outpatient clinic and some soldiers brought down two soldiers who were in
a coma. At that time I was still in the emergency room. I learned from the soldiers who brought
the unconscious soldiers that they could have been intoxicated. So I told President Liao that the
Academy of Military Sciences across the avenue should know how to treat people injured by
poisonous gas. When we were establishing contacts [with the academy], we also tried to
transfer the two soldiers to Hospital Number 307 across the street through an underground
tunnel. President Liao, myself, and other comrades in our hospital were very sorry to know that
our people and soldiers were injured in such a manner.
On 9 June, Deng Xiaoping summoned the leaders of all units and talked to them. Then the
investigations began. One day, Prof. Zhu Ke, who was my classmate and director of the
neurology department of the hospital, visited me, saying that the hospital had asked him to talk
to me about the trip I made to Tiananmen in mid-May with some medical students pursuing
advanced training in our hospital. I told Zhu: You stay out of this. Whoever in the hospital
wants to know about the trip should talk to me in person. Soon, one comrade of the hospital's
political department visited me. He told me that in a videotape the higher authorities saw me
and the medical students going downtown along Fuxing Avenue. He said the students were on
a truck, holding high a streamer with characters that read "Support Group of the PLA Medical
College for Advanced Studies" and beating gongs and drums; and that I was following them on
a bicycle. He asked me to explain what was going on. I told him this: That day was a
Wednesday. Our department was scheduled to go downtown that afternoon to attend an
academic symposium sponsored by the Beijing Surgery Society, and we had reserved
transportation. When we went to the motor pool, we were told that it could not dispatch any
vehicles because the road was congested with demonstrators. Then I saw many medical
students inside the hospital gate. They all put on white gowns and were ready to go to
Tiananmen to voice their support for the students. When these students saw me, they asked me
to join them. I asked them what time they would return and they said they would camp at the
Tiananmen Square. So I told them that in that case I could not go with them. Then I rode my
bicycle and biked slowly with them. On our journey, we chatted. When we reached Lishi Road,
no motor vehicle could proceed. Then they disembarked and walked downtown and I continued
to ride on my bicycle. Because of a sudden rainstorm, I hurried back to the hospital after
making one round of the square. I told the comrade that everybody knew about my trip to
Tiananmen Square and that I had made no mistake on the trip. Then the comrade who had had
the heart-to-heart talks with me reported what I told him. Later, whenever the June 4th Incident
was discussed, I insisted that the suppression of the student movement was wrong. Because of
that, I did not receive the promotion I deserved that year.
Following the June 4th Incident, everything was measured by one's attitude toward the
incident, such as the reorganization of the leading group of our fraternal unit, the Academy of
Military Sciences. When higher authorities interviewed Prof. Qin Boyi, the president of the
academy at that time, he candidly indicated that he had done nothing wrong in approaching the
incident. For example, when the martial law troops could not go downtown and had to be
stationed in some of the military units along the way, President Qin said that, according to the
academy's assignments, if the troops wanted to be stationed in the academy, they should also
bear the responsibility of safeguarding the academy's security; otherwise other people would
also want to be stationed in the academy and that would cause unnecessary problems.
Consequently, the troops were not stationed in the academy. As to the delivery of drinking
water to those students who were on a hunger strike in Tiananmen Square, Qin said he
approved the move and even approved the use of a motor vehicle for that purpose. That was
because many other units did the same thing, he said. The consequence of these investigations
was the dismissal of Qin from office. Prof. Tang Peixuan, a vice president [of the academy] and
also my classmate, was also dismissed from office after he said to his superiors that when he
took part in student movements before Liberation, the Guomindang [KMT] government at that
time only used fire hoses to spray water on the students and did not use guns for the
suppression. He said it was incomprehensible that the people's troops this time killed countless
[wu shu de] students and ordinary people with machineguns and tanks. Then, another vice
president of the academy was promoted to president of the academy because he said things the
superiors wanted to hear and because he performed well while stating his position.Following
the June 4th Incident, the overwhelming majority of my friends in all walks of life clearly
understood that the June 4th suppression was absolutely wrong. However, because of the
higher authorities' pressure, they did not want to speak their minds. In this respect, the claim
that people were in unity with the central authorities was entirely untrue. On all occasions over
the past 15 long years, I always stated clearly that I believed the June 4th suppression was
absolutely wrong. I also hoped that this mistake would be corrected by our party with firm
resolve. Because of the Cultural Revolution, China was on the verge of total collapse. Then
Deng Xiaoping emerged and our party corrected the mistakes made in the Cultural Revolution.
China was not thrown into chaos. Rather, the people gained more confidence in the party. In
those days, China had serious food shortages. We needed ration coupons to buy everything. But
the people still supported the party in surmounting all sorts of difficulties. In only 20 years, our
country has significantly changed. Now our country has plenty of goods and the people's living
conditions have significantly improved. Moreover, correcting the mistakes made in the June
4th Incident is the common wish of people in the country and also the wish of people
throughout the world. As long as the leaders of our party act with firm resolve to correct the
mistakes, I believe they will have the support of the whole nation and there will not be chaos in
the country.One day in 1997 I visited Comrade Wu Zuguang in his home. He told me that he
had wanted to speak at the CPPCC National Committee session that year but the session's
chairman wanted his written speech in advance; consequently the chairman did not let him
speak at the session and he could only speak at the literature and art group discussion. He said
he endorsed China's earthshaking economic changes in the past 20 years as a result of Comrade
Deng Xiaoping's reform and opening up policy. He said the Chinese people would not forget
his meritorious contributions in this respect. But he pointed out: Deng Xiaoping's way of
handling the June 4th Incident was mistaken [you cuo de]. Now that Deng is dead, we should
reassess the incident. Deng was a very old man in 1989 and he learned the outside world
primarily through second-hand information. At that time Beijing's Chen Xitong gave him false
information, claiming that reactionary forces at home and abroad were behind the students.
That was why Deng was fooled. He was deceived by Chen. Now Chen is a felon found guilty
of corruption. So Chen should be the one to be held criminally accountable, and the true nature
of the incident should be made known. Wu told me that after he finished his talk at the group
discussion, no one at the session expressed disagreement (and of course no one could come up
with any legitimate reason to disagree), but no one supported his view either. That hurt him
tremendously. That was because he knew those at the session were very smart intellectuals but
who nevertheless were afraid to speak their minds even though they shared his view in private.
That pained his heart totally. His wife, Xin Fengxia, said to me that she always urged him not
to express any views, but it was useless because Wu would not listen and would seize any
opportunity to state his views, saying: Everybody has a mouth, which serves two purposes: eat
and speak. Whenever I speak, I must speak the truth. If this mouth is used to tell lies and if I
don't want to use it to speak my mind, then its only purpose is to eat. What's its usefulness in
that case Wu's talks educated me greatly. A man must talk and tell the truth. Later I visited my
teachers, Lei Jieqiong and Wu Jieping. They were my teachers when I was a student at Yanjing
University. I told them my experience in saving the injured people at Hospital Number 301 on
the evening of 3 June. They both indicated that they were not aware of the specifics of the
incident, but they both maintained that the government made a big mistake in handling the
incident. They added that while they couldn't do anything now, they believed the issue would
be resolved in the future.
In 1998, I and some comrades, as CPC members, wrote a letter to state leaders, NPC deputies
and CPPCC National Committee representatives, proposing that the June 4th Incident be
reappraised.In 1998, I called on Comrade Yang Shangkun at his residence and reported to him
my visit to Taiwan (Yang had always been the principal person in charge of the Taiwan issue)
and I talked to him about the view of my cousin, Jiang Yanshi [Tsiang Yen-si, a senior KMT
official who held many important offices in Taiwan] about reunification. Then I told Yang that
I was the surgeon in charge of treating the injured persons brought to Hospital 301 and asked
him whether he wanted to hear my view. He said he wanted to hear. And so I told him what I
saw. I also gave him a copy of the letter that I wrote to the central leaders. Yang indicated that
the June 4th Incident was an incident in which the CPC committed the most serious mistakes in
its history. He said he could not do anything to correct the mistake, but said that the mistakes
would be corrected in the future.
Comrade Yang Shangkun's view was also the view of many other elderly comrades. After the
June 4th Incident, the Central Advisory Commission chaired by Bo Yibo held a session to
criticize four elderly comrades: Yu Guangyuan, Du Runsheng, Li Rui and Li Chang. Some
people even plotted not to let these four party members reregister their membership. Later,
Comrade Chen Yun wrote a letter to the Central Advisory Commission, and Bo Yibo read the
letter at a plenary session of the commission. The letter said, to the effect: We must stop
handling the matter this way. We have learned a lot from things in this respect. Is it possible
that we will have to rehabilitate these people in the future After reading the letter, Bo said:
This issue is finished. We will not discuss it anymore. We should stop talking about it from
now on. Comrade Chen Yun has said it very clearly in his letter that he is against the handling
the June 4th Incident in such a manner. I don't know whether this important view of Comrade
Chen Yun has been referred to the CPC Central Committee, the NPC Standing Committee and
the CPPCC Standing Committee ["standing committee" as published].
Recently I read the book, "For the Sake of China's Tomorrow -- Those Who Are Alive and
Those Who Have Died [Weile Zhongguo de Mingtian nSheng Zhe yu Si Zhe]," written by
Ding Zilin, author of "The Tiananmen Mother [Tiananmen Muqin]." The book makes me
clearly aware of the pressure and the pains that the mother of a 17-year-old warm blooded
youth, who was killed in the June 4th Incident, had to bear over the past decade or so. This
mother and other family members of the victims did everything possible to find and contact the
families of nearly 200 victims and others who became cripples; then, in one way or another,
they expressed their wish -- the wish that the government should seriously and responsibly
explain to them the killings of their family members. That was a reasonable request. Who
among us does not have parents, children, and brothers and sisters Like them, anyone whose
family members were unjustly killed should voice the same request. Each CPC member,
Chinese citizen and human being must courageously support their just demand. Beginning in
1995, they have made it a practice each year to write an open letter to the NPC Standing
Committee stating their just demand. Regrettably, however, this supreme power organization of
the state has turned a deaf ear to this serious request and made no response whatsoever. This is
an extremely irresponsible attitude. We will never be able to justify this before the people of
the world.
I have written quite a lot already. What I want to say is this: Since the new party and state
leading collectives formed after the 16th National Party Congress have stressed on all
occasions the need to act on the Constitution and be people-centered, then the NPC Standing
Committee, the CPPCC Standing Committee ["standing committee" as published], the
members of the 16th CPC Central Committee Political Bureau and members of its standing
committee must reassess the June 4th Incident in light of the criteria in the PRC Constitution
and the party's three most fundamental principles -- "integrating theory with practice (or
seeking truth from facts), maintaining close ties with the masses, and making criticism and self-
criticism." Our party must address the mistake it has made. The earlier these mistakes are
resolved and the more thorough they are resolved, the better. I believe that correct assessment
of the June 4th Incident is what the people want and it will never cause unrest among the
people. The claim that stability is of overriding importance can in fact cause even greater
instability. For years, each time before June 4th, some people, like sitting on thorns, are in a
state of extreme nervousness. They would not know how many people would be mobilized this
time to prevent disturbances. This has been the case year after year. The uneasiness has not
gradually diminished just because the June 4th Incident has become farther and farther away.
On the contrary, the people have become increasingly disappointed and angry.
After repeated deliberations, I think I must write you this letter. Of course I have considered the
consequences that I might encounter after writing this letter. But I have decided to tell you all
the facts. If you think it is necessary, please talk to me at your convenience.
If you receive this letter, please acknowledge the receipt.My address: No. 26, Zhuge Zhuang,
Wanshou Road, 5-1204Zip code: 100036Tel: 68134451[Signed] Jiang Yanyong, Department
of Surgery, Beijing 301 Hospital[Dated on] February 24 2004
Dr, Jiang ...
... and two of his patients
2004年2月24日
蒋彦永医生就六四的上书
浸著血泪的上书——蒋彦永医生上本届"人大""政协"会议书
- - - - - -
全国人民代表大会常务委员会委员长及副委员长
全国政协主席及副主席
中共中央政治局各位委员
国务院总理及副总理:
1989年,北京学生针对当时的政府腐败,提出反腐败,反官倒,要廉政的正
义要求.学生的爱国行动得到北京市和全国绝大多数人民的支持.但少数维护腐败
的领导却采取世界和中国历史上绝无仅有的手段,用坦克,机枪等武器,对手无寸
铁的学生和市民进行疯狂镇压,造成了数白名无辜青年惨死北京街头和数千人民致
伤致残.之后,当局随即开动各种宣传机器编制谎言,并用高压手段使全国人民变
得有口难张.15年过去了,当局希望人们会渐渐淡忘:过去把天安门事件称作
"反革命暴乱",后来就改称为"89年的政治风波".这种对事件名称的更改,
正说明肇事者的心虚.既然是风波,何以要动用数十万军队去镇压 怎麼能用机枪
坦克去残杀无辜的百姓 所以我建议,要为89年六四学生爱国运动正名.
(Memoir Tiananmen-89)
我是解放军301医院的一位外科医生,89年
六四时我是普通外科的主任.6月3日晚上听到反覆
不断的广播,让人民不要上街.约10点钟,我在宿
舍裏听到北面有连续的枪声.数分钟后,我的呼叫器
响了,是急诊室呼我,我赶紧奔到那裏.使我难以想
像的是,躺在急诊室地上和诊断床上的已有七名脸上
和身上到处是血的青年,其中两名经心电图检查证实
已死亡.当时我的脑中嗡的一声,差一点晕了过去.我当外科医生已30多年,到
铁道兵修成昆铁路的医疗队参加抢救工作时,也曾遇到过成批的伤员,但那都是因
施工过程中不可避免的意外事故所造成的.而眼前,在堂堂的中国首都北京,在我
面前躺著的,却是被中国人民子弟兵用人民给予的武器残杀了的自己的人民.我还
来不及思考,在一阵密集的枪声过后,又有不少被打伤的青年,由周围的老百姓用
木板或平板三轮送进了急诊室.我一面检查伤者,一面请有关人员通知各位外科医
生和护士奔向手术室.我们院共有18间手术室,都被用来展开抢救,我在急诊室
做分伤和紧急处理.从10点多开始到半夜12点,在这两个小时中,我们医院的
急诊室就接收了89位被子弹打伤的,其中有7位因抢救无效而死亡.大夫们在医
院的18间手术室中,分三批做了大半夜手术,将有可能救的人都救了过来.
(64memo.com - 89)
蒋 永医生 蒋 永
医生89年六四时是
解放军301医院的
外科主任.6月3日
上从10点多开始
到半夜12点这两个
小时中,其医 … (2004年2月24日)
△
有几个死者使我终身难忘.一个20多岁的男青
年,他的父母是我们医院对面七机部的离休干部,有
4,5个儿子.当他们听到广播不让上街后,就告知
孩子不准离家,全家都坐下来打麻将.到快10点
了,老两口困了就准备睡了.外面枪一响,这位青年
(他是最小的,当天领了结婚证书)和他的"未婚
妻"就跑上了街.他们快跑到五棵松十字路口时,有密集的枪弹向他们扫射过来,
那位女同志就回头跑了,并喊她的男友赶快返回.她跑了不多远,发现她的男友没
有跟过来,於是她就折回去.不久,她就看到她的男友躺倒在路旁的血泊中.她喊
他,他不理,拉他也不动.周围的群众立马上前,有三,五人托著他,送到我们的
急诊室.护士给他测血压,测不到;做心电图,是直线.我检查这位伤员,只在他
左手臂内侧发现一个弹孔,但没有发现出去的弹孔.他的女友求我们给他抢救,我
们实在没有办法,因为心电图直线说明心脏已停止跳动,估计是子弹射入了心脏.
这位女孩哭疯了,但她马上跑回去,把男友的母亲请来.母亲到后,趴在她儿子的
身上左右翻检,只见到一个枪眼.随后她跪倒在我的脚前,双手拉著我的腿,哭著
求我救救她的儿子.我当时也泪流满面,无言以答.我蹲在这位伤透了心的母亲的
身旁,如实地告诉她,他的心脏已被打碎,已无可能救活.这位母亲稍稍安静一些
后,就哭著大骂:"我很小就参军,入党,跟著共产党打日本,打蒋介石.现在我
们解放军却把我最心爱的儿子打死了,我一定要去找他们算帐".后来她儿子的尸
体被放在我们医院停尸房的地上,所有的死者均放在那裏,由解放军看守著.死者
都被诬称为"暴徒"尸体是不准领走的.第二天,这位死者的家属要来领走尸体,
未成.但他们是一位高级将领的亲戚,所以过不久就领走了. (64memo.com -
2004)
另一位死者是一个身体非常强壮的摩托车运动员,他当天下午在丰台练车,晚
上回到五棵松路口,还没有下车就被子弹射伤.当时有几位老百姓把他放在一辆平
板车上,拉到我们的急诊室.我检查他时他的血压还正常,在他的左腹股沟处有一
很大的弹孔,大量的血不断涌出.这个部位无法上止血带,用手和敷料也压不住出
血.我们尽快给他输血,但血的供应已十分困难.由於出血量太大,他的血压很快
就掉下去了,接著出现严重的休克,呼吸也越来越困难.我眼睁睁地看著他张大著
嘴,挣扎著呼吸,最后完全停止了呼吸.作为一个外科医生,眼看著病人在你面
前,却因这种条件而无法挽救他的生命,我是一辈子也无法忘却的. (六四档案
89)
约在12点时,送来了一位少校军官(这是当晚我们救治的唯一的军人)他的
左上臂中部有子弹贯通伤,X片显示片显示肱骨粉碎性骨折,周围软组织中有大量
金属碎片(我意识到这是一种铅制的开花弹).这位军官告诉我们,他当天进城到
亲戚家造访,晚上回来到军事博物馆(他的工作单位)门口马路边上,被过路的部
队用连发扫射的子弹击伤.他的右边是一位老人,左边是一个小孩.这一老一少,
均被子弹击中,当场死亡.他算是幸运的,只伤了一只胳膊.送他来的是一位参加
过越南战争的退伍军人.他当时就对在场的很多伤员和工作人员讲:我们解放军在
文化大革命中的支左工作,曾使自己在老百姓心目中的形象受到很大伤害.这次部
停尸间(5)医院车
棚都满了
Bloodbath In The
Chinese Capital, by
Wen Wei Po, Hong
Kong, 1989. (1989
年6月4日)△
队用机枪,坦克杀害自己的老百姓,更是天理难容.往后部队在老百姓的心目中再
也不可能还有威信了. (64档案/2004)
午夜后,部队已通过301门口,就不再有伤员
送到我们医院来了.这时我就去手术室查看手术进行
的情况.见有的人肝脏被打碎,肝内留有很多碎弹
片,对此我们拍了照,录了像.其它一些手术中,医
生们还发现伤员肠道内有大量碎的弹片,这和一般的子弹是明显不同的——是用一
种国际公法禁止使用的所谓开花弹打伤的.
北京的戒严是从5月19日开始的,当时进来的部队受沿途老百姓的阻拦,无
法进到城内,就分别驻进沿复兴路的301医院,装甲兵,炮兵,通讯兵等部队单
位.进驻301医院的部队,经过我院广大医护人员和他们的交谈,渐渐了解了学
生运动的真相,於是明确表示,他们绝不会参加镇压学生的活动.那时,每天清早
6点左右,从西郊机场有一架直升机沿复兴路由西向东慢慢飞过,与驻在各单位的
部队负责人(在我们医院裏是一位团长)进行联系,让部队随时做好出发准备.部
队在这段时间裏整装列队,等直升飞机飞来,那位团长用通讯设备与之联系:报告
部队以随时做好准备.飞机一过去,官兵们就又分散和医院的同志交谈,聊天.就
是因为这批部队已经不可能被用来镇压学生了,所以到5月底,6月初,这批部队
就撤离了.据说后来参与镇压学生的部队,是紧急从山东等地调来的.那些部队中
不少是去过越南战场的,在战场上和地方对峙,开过枪,打死过人.他们被运往北
京时,在火车上没有报看,没有收音机听,完全是被蒙在鼓裏.一到北京后,就被
告知:北京出现了反革命暴乱,要他们去镇压.在这种情况下,无知的战士,听从
命令,造成了六四的悲惨事件. (Memoir Tiananmen - 2004)
在6月3日晚上,我们医院的每一位参加抢救的医护人员都万万没想到会出现
这种使正常人无法理解的惨事.我当时也以为不知是哪个部队的头头在胡来.我和
当时到急诊室来参加抢救的廖院长说,是否可以和上面通电话,告诉他们在我们面
前发生的意外情况,请上面赶快制止.廖院长也和我们一样,不断流泪,不知如何
是好.6月4日上午有一辆坦克开到301医院门诊楼边,从车内抬下了两位昏迷
的战士.我当时还在急诊室,从送来的人员那裏了解到,两位战士大概是中毒昏
迷.我和廖院长商量,我们对面的军事医学科学院应该知道如何处理这类毒气伤.
我们一面打电话联系,一面想办法把他们从地下通道转移到我们对面的307医
院.我和廖院长等其他院裏的同志,都为老百姓和战士受到这样的伤害,感到十分
悲痛. (六四档案-2004)
6月9日邓小平召集各单位领导讲了话,紧接著
就开始了清查工作.有一天,我的同学,脑内科主任
朱克教授找我,他说院裏托他先找我谈,让我说清5
月中旬和医院进修生上街去天安门的事.我告诉朱
说:这事你不必管,院裏谁管这事的来找我谈好了.
不久,院政治部的一位同志来找我.他告诉我,上面
罪恶的子弹 "许多人子
弹打到身上 都还以为是
橡皮子弹 " (1989年6月
4日)△
生命线上的救护
车 红十字会先
后调配了100多
辆救护车 数百
医护人员 52家
医院 近2000
张病床(国家教委《惊心动魄的五十六
天》) (1989年5月17日)△
从一份录影带上看到我和医院进修生进城,他们乘一辆卡车,打著解放军军医进修
学院声援队的大旗,敲锣打鼓地驶在复兴路上;我在一侧骑自行车跟著他们进城,
让我把此事说清楚.我告诉他,那天是星期三(五月十七日--六四档案注),我
们科原定下午进城参加北京外科学会的学术活动,我已订好了车.当我们去车队
时,被告知路上全是游行队伍,所以不能发车.此时,我看到在301大门内有不
少进修生,他们都穿著白大褂,准备登车去天安门声援学生的行动.他们见到我
后,请我和他们同去.我问他们什麼时候回来,他们告诉我他们要安营扎寨.我就
说我不能和他们一起去,我骑了自行车,在他们卡车的一侧,一路走,一路聊.到
礼士路,系车已无法通行,他们下车步行进城,我继续骑车到了天安门.因为突然
下起暴雨,我沿广场转了一圈,就赶快返回医院.我去天安门之事是谁都知道的,
我的这个行动没有任何错误,和我谈心的同志就只好如实地去汇报.此后谈到六四
的问题, 我始终认为,镇压学生运动是错误的,为此,在那年我本该调的级别被
卡住了. (64档案 / 89)
六四之后,一切事情都以对待六四的态度为标准来处理.如我们的兄弟单位军
事医学科学院领导班子的调整.那时的院长秦伯益教授当上面领导来找他谈话时,
很坦然地表示他对待六四问题没有不妥之处:如当时戒严部队无法进入城区,就分
散进入沿途的一些军事单位,根据军事医学科学院担负的任务,秦伯益院长提出,
如部队要进入,应担负起保卫该单位安全的任务,否则如部队驻入,老百姓就有可
能跟进,会引起不必要的混乱,结果部队就没有驻入;关於给天安门绝食的学生送
水的问题,当时院内群众要求去送水,秦也表示同意,并派了车,因为很多国家单
位都那样做了,等等.考察的结果,秦的职务被免去了.一个副院长是我的同学唐
佩弦教授,他和领导谈话时说,他在解放前参加了上海的学生运动,当时国民党政
府对学生只是用了救火水龙头冲,没有开枪镇压.而现在是人民的军队,却对学生
运动用机枪,坦克,残杀了无数的学生和老百姓.这样做使人实在无法理解.於
是,唐的副院长职务也被取消了.而另一位副院长,因为说了领导喜欢听的话,表
态好,就被提升为正院长了. (Memoir Tiananmen / 89)
六四之后,绝大部分和我相识的各行各界的人,在心裏都很清楚,六四镇压是
绝对错的,但屈服於上面的高压,不敢讲心裏话.在这个问题上,所谓的和中央保
持一致,完全是一种假象.在这漫长的15年中,我不论在什麼场合,从来都是明
确地表明,我认为六四镇压是绝对错的.我总希望这个错误有我们党自己下决心来
纠正.文化大革命搞到把中国推向濒临崩溃的边缘邓小平出来,由我们党自己把文
化革命的错误纠正了,中国并没有乱,老百姓更信任党了.那时我国的食品极其缺
乏,什麼都要凭票,但老百姓仍能和党一起来克服各种困难,使国家在短短的20
年内就大变样了.现在我们国家物资丰富,人民生活大大改善了;更何况纠正六四
的错误是全国人民的心愿,也是全世界人民的心愿.只要我们党的领导痛下决心,
自己来纠正错误,我相信一定会得到全国人民的支持,中国一定不会乱.
(Memoir Tiananmen/2004)
1997年我去吴祖光同志家探望他,他告诉我,他在那次全国政协会上要求
发言,会议主持人要他先送发言稿,后来没让他作大会发言,他只在文艺组发言.
他说:他先肯定邓小平同志在改革开放20年来使中国的经济发生了翻天覆地的变
化,中国人民不会忘记他的这一功劳.接著指出邓小平在处理六四问题上是有错
的;现在邓已病故,我们应该重新评估六四.89年时邓已高龄,了解外面的情况
主要靠别人反映.当时北京市的陈希同打了假报告,声称学生后面由国内外反动势
力在煽动,所以邓是上了陈的当,受了陈的骗.现在陈已经是个贪污犯,主要罪责
是陈,应该使六四恢复本来面目.吴告诉我,他发言后,到会的没有一人对他的意
见表示反对(当然不会有人说出反对的理由),但是,会上没有一人附议.这使他
伤透了心.因为他知道,在场的都是一些很有头脑的知识份子,在私下裏都和他有
相同的看法;但在会上却都不敢说心裏话,这实在使他伤心透顶.他的夫人新凤霞
和我说,她总是劝他不要再去提意见了,提了也没有用,而吴总是不听,一有机会
就要提意见.吴对我说,人有一张嘴,一是要吃饭,二是要说话;要说话就要讲真
话,讲假话,不敢讲心裏话,这张嘴就剩光能吃了,还有什麼用 和吴的谈话,给
了我很大的教育:人总是应该说话的,要说真话.我后来还去找了雷洁琼老师和吴
阶平老师,他们都是我在燕京大学的师长,我把我在6月3日晚上在301医院抢
救伤员时的所见,讲给他们听.他们都表示他们在这方面没有了解得那麼具体,但
都认为六四这事政府是大错了,他们现在无能为力,将来一定会解决的.
(64memo.com 89)
我在1998年曾和部分同志以一批老共产党员的名义,给国家领导人和
人大,政协代表写信,建议重新评定六四.
1998年我曾到杨尚昆同志家去,向他汇
报我去台湾的情况(杨是一直分工领导台湾问题的主
要负责人),我谈了堂兄蒋彦士对两岸统一的一些看
法.随后我告诉他,我是在六四时负责处理送到30
1医院来的伤员的外科主任,问他是否愿意听听我的
意见.他表示愿意听,我就把我的所见如实地告诉了
他,还把我1998年写给中央领导的信给了他.杨表示,六四事件是我党历史上
犯下的最严重的错误,现在他已经无力去纠正,但将来是一定会得到纠正的.
(64memo反贪倡廉 89)
杨尚昆同志的意见其实是许多老同志的共识.六
四事件发生后,中顾委曾由薄一波主持,对于光远,
杜润生,李锐,李昌四位老同志开了批判会,有人并
打算做出不让他们四位党员重新登记的决定.但后来
陈云同志给中顾委常委去了一信,由薄一波向全体中
顾委委员宣读.大意是,这件事再不能这样做了,我
们过去在这方面教训已经很多,难道将来还要再给他们平反吗 薄读完信后说,这
个问题算了,不再谈了,到此为止.陈云同志的这封信已很明确,他是反对六四这
样处理的.我不知道陈云同志这一重要意见是否已向中央委员,人大常委和政协常
委作过传达. (64memo.com - 2004)
杨尚昆 杨尚昆,一九○
七年生於四川潼南,早年
曾留学苏俄,是邓小平的
同 ,也是留俄时的同
学.学运期间,虽曾对赵
紫阳有所 … (1989年5月
19 日)△
保守元老——陈云
陈云六四时任中央顾
问委员会主席,他的
「乌龙经济」观限制
中共经济改革进一
发展.他坚决拥护李
鹏和杨尚昆实施戒严 … (1989年)△
最近读了"天安门母亲"丁子霖写的《为了中国的明天——生者与死者》一
书,使我清楚地知道了,她作为一个在六四事件中被残杀的17岁的热血青年的母
亲,十多年来经受了各种压力,忍受了极大的痛苦.她和难属们千方百计寻找和联
系了近二百位死难和致残者的家属,并以各种方式表到他们的愿望——要求政府对
他们的亲属被无辜杀害作出认真负责的交代——这是一个十分合情合理的要求.谁
没有父母,子女,兄弟姊妹 谁的亲人被这样无辜杀害,都会像他们一样提出这种
要求.作为一个共产党员,一个中国人,一个人,都应该理直气壮地支持他们的正
义要求.他们从1995年开始,每年都给全国人大常委会写公开信提出严正的要
求.但遗憾的是,作为国家的最高权力机构,对这样一个严肃的请求,竟然置若罔
闻,一字不答.这是一种极不负责任的态度,在全世界人民面前时交代不过去的.
(64memo祖国万岁-1989)
我在上面写了不少,总的意思是:既然16大后我们党和国家的新领导,在各
种场合特别强调要贯彻宪法,要以人为本,那麼,人大常委,政协常委,16届中
共党的政治局委员和常委,就应该用国家的宪法和党的最基本的三大原则:"理论
联系实际(实事求是),密切联系群众,批评和自我批评"为标准来重新审定六
四.我们党犯的错误应该靠党自己来解决,解决得越早,越彻底越好.我相信,正
确地评定六四是人心所向,决不会造成人心紊乱.所谓的稳定压倒一切,只能是造
成更大的不稳定.多年来,每到六四前夕,有的人真是如坐针毡,草木皆兵,不知
要动员多少力量来防止发生事情;年复一年,并没有因为离六四越来越远这种不安
就逐渐减轻,相反的是老百姓越来越失望和愤慨. (六四档案 / 89)
我经过反覆思考,觉得有必要写此信给各位领导.当然我也考虑到写此信可能
会遇到的各种后果,但我还是决定要如实地把我的看法告诉各位.如果领导认为有
必要,请抽空和我谈谈.
信如收到,请告我.
我的地址:万寿路朱各庄26号,5-1204
邮编:100036
电话:68134451
北京301医院外科 蒋彦永

2004年2月24日